The Stroum Center for Jewish Studies at the University of Washington provided a student with the opportunity to spend their summer living, attending language classes, and conducting research in Israel. Click here to read about his experience, and why learning Hebrew was so important to him.
דוח מצב תחום הוראת העברית, נובמבר 2024
תקציר: עיקרי הדוח
דוח מצב זה מציע ניתוח מעמיק של תחום הוראת השפה העברית בבתי ספר יהודיים, תוך בחינת הישגי תלמידים, הזדמנויות להתפתחות מקצועית, מסלולי הכשרת מורים ושכר המורים. הדוח משקף מגמות מרכזיות, אתגרים והזדמנויות בתחום, ומדגיש את תפקידה הקריטי של הוראת העברית בבתי הספר היהודיים ואת הצורך בצמיחה שיטתית ומתמשכת.
נתונים מתוך מבחני Avant STAMP בשנתיים האחרונות מצביעים על שיפור במיומנויות בעברית בכל שכבות הגיל, עם התקדמות משמעותית בכישורי השפה העברית מכיתה ג’ ועד כיתה ח’. אף שציוני הקריאה הציגו תנודות מסוימות, השיפור הכללי במיומנות מעיד על הצלחה והשפעה מתמשכת של תוכניות הלימוד בעברית. בנוסף, יוזמות כמו חותם הדו-לשוניות Global Seal of Biliteracy, הבחינה העברית העולמית והאולימפיאדה בעברית מדגישות את ההכרה ההולכת וגוברת בהישגי תלמידים. בשנת 2024, 110 תלמידים קיבלו את חותם הדו-לשוניות, ותלמידים רבים השתתפו בתחרויות בינלאומיות.
יוזמות כמו מובילים בעברית Leading in Hebrew (LIH) ו-פריצת דרך/עברית לכולם מילאו תפקיד מכריע בקידום הוראת העברית בבתי הספר היהודיים. מובילים בעברית, שהושקה על ידי “עברית במרכז”, שמה לה למטרה להטמיע את גישת המיומנויות בעברית בתרבות בית הספר, תוך התמודדות עם אתגרים כגון תחלופת צוותים, התנגדות לשינויים ומגפת הקורונה. הדגש על גמישות, מנהיגות חזקה, ליווי אישי ושימוש בהערכות למעקב אחר התקדמות, מספק תובנות חשובות ליצירת שינוי בר-קיימא. באופן דומה, פריצת דרך/עברית לכולם מתמקדת בהסרת חסמים בלמידת עברית כשפה שנייה עבור תלמידים עם דיסלקציה ולקויות למידה מבוססות שפה. שתי היוזמות מדגישות את החשיבות של גישות מותאמות אישית, כמו גם מעורבות קהילתית רחבה, בקידום הוראה משמעותית.
חלה עלייה ניכרת בזמינות ובמגוון של הזדמנויות להתפתחות מקצועית עבור מחנכים.ות לעברית. הזדמנויות אלו כוללות תוכניות הסמכה, כמו אלה שמציעים אוניברסיטת ברנדייס ו”עברית במרכז”, וקורסים ייעודיים במוסדות כמו Hebrew Union College ומכללת מידלברי. מטרתן של תוכניות אלו היא לשפר את שיטות ההוראה של המורים, להרחיב את הידע שלהם בתחום ולחזק את תחושת הקהילה המקצועית. מגוון האפשרויות מבטיח שכל מחנך ומחנכת, בכל שלב בקריירה, ימצאו תמיכה והזדמנויות לצמיחה.
מסלול ההכשרה למורים לעברית נותר תחום הדורש התייחסות דחופה. כדי לענות על הביקוש למורים מוסמכים, נעשים מאמצים להציע שכר תחרותי וליצור נתיבים לקידום מקצועי. הדוח מדגיש את הצורך במאמצי גיוס ושימור אסטרטגיים, במיוחד לנוכח העניין הגובר בהוראת עברית בעקבות אירועי 7 באוקטובר 2023. מחקר השכר מצביע על פערים בין אזורים ומוסדות, ומדגיש את הצורך באסטרטגיות פיצוי עקביות כדי לגייס ולשמר מורים מוכשרים לעברית.
סקר השכר שנערך במסגרת דוח זה חושף שונות משמעותית בשכר המורים והמורות לעברית בבתי הספר היהודיים. אף כי בתי ספר רבים מציעים חבילות תגמול תחרותיות, עדיין קיימים פערים, במיוחד בבתי ספר קטנים או בעלי משאבים מוגבלים, שעלולים לפגוע במאמצי הגיוס והשימור. הסקר גם מדגיש את הפוטנציאל של מורים מקצועיים לשפה העברית. הסקר מצביע על כך שמורי עברית בעלי הכשרה אקדמית /ואו תעודת הסמכה בהוראת עברית מקבלים שכר דומה לעמיתיהם בעלי הכשרה דומה המלמדים בתחומי דעת אחרים. לפיכך, עולה הצורך באימוץ מבני שכר סטנדרטיים ותמיכה בהתפתחות מקצועית, כדי להבטיח פיצוי הוגן למחנכים ומחנכות לעברית. לתקציר, לחצו כאן
דוח זה מדגיש את החשיבות החיונית של חיזוק איכות הוראת השפה העברית בבתי הספר היהודיים. למרות ההתקדמות המשמעותית בהישגי התלמידים, בהתפתחות המקצועית ובאסטרטגיות הגיוס, יש צורך במאמצים נוספים להתמודדות עם אתגרים הקשורים לתמיכה במורים, שכר ושיטות הוראה מכילות. על ידי הרחבת הזדמנויות ההתפתחות המקצועית, חיזוק מסלולים לקידום מקצועי ופיתוח התערבויות ממוקדות לתלמידים עם אתגרי למידה, בתי הספר היהודיים יבטיחו שהוראת העברית תמשיך להיות אבן יסוד בחיים ובחינוך היהודיים.
תקציר תוצאות סקר שכר והטבות בתחום הוראת העברית בצפון אמריקה
כחלק מהמאמצים שלנו למקצע את תחום הוראת השפה העברית יחד עם ההכרה כי שכר והטבות הם גורמים קריטיים בגיוס ושימור מורים איכותיים, בחרנו השנה להבין טוב יותר את מצב השכר וההטבות עבור מורי העברית בצפון אמריקה.
בסקר השתתפו מגוון רחב של מורים ומורות לעברית, המייצגים חתך גאוגרפי נרחב מרחבי ארצות הברית וקנדה, עם ריכוזים גבוהים במיוחד בצפון-מזרח ארצות הברית, אזור ניו יורק והמדינות המערביות. רובם מועסקים בבתי ספר יסודיים (ECE-8 או K-8), אך הסקר כלל גם נציגים מבתי ספר תיכוניים עצמאיים. המשתתפים ייצגו בתי ספר בגדלים מגוונים, החל מבתי ספר קטנים מאוד עם פחות מ-75 תלמידים ועד לבתי ספר גדולים מאוד עם יותר מ-1,000 תלמידים. כמו כן, הנשאלים מייצגים זרמים שונים, כולל בתי ספר ציבוריים, קהילתיים, ורשתות חינוך מגוונות, החל מרפורמיים ועד ישיבות.
כמה ממצאים מעניינים
הקשר בין השכלה לשכר:
הנתונים מצביעים על קשר משמעותי בין רמת ההשכלה של מורים לעברית לבין רמות השכר שלהם. מורים בעלי תעודת בגרות בלבד הרוויחו בממוצע $32,000, בעוד שמורים בעלי תואר ראשון הרוויחו בממוצע $68,664, ומורים בעלי תואר שני הרוויחו בממוצע $75,785. בנוסף, מורים בעלי תואר ראשון בתחום שאינו קשור להוראת עברית, שצירפו תעודה אקדמית או מקצועית בהוראת עברית, דיווחו על תוספת שכר ממוצעת של $11,500 לשנה. לעומת זאת, מורים שתוארם הראשון הוא בתחום הקשור להוראת עברית קיבלו תוספת ממוצעת של כ-$5,000 לשנה עם הוספת תעודה מקצועית.
הקשר בין גיל הלומדים לשכר:
השכר הממוצע של מורים לעברית משתנה בהתאם לחטיבת הגיל שבה הם מלמדים: מורים בגיל הרך הרוויחו בממוצע $58,667, מורים בבתי ספר יסודיים הרוויחו $72,681 בממוצע, מורים בחטיבות הביניים הרוויחו $80,848 בממוצע, ואילו מורים בתיכונים הרוויחו $67,333 בממוצע.
הדוח כולל ממצאים רבים נוספים ומעניינים. לקריאת הדוח המלא לחצו כאן.
מסקנות כלליות
תוצאות הסקר מדגישות את החשיבות של שכר הוגן ושוויוני למורי עברית כהשקעה באיכות ובקיימות של מערכת החינוך היהודית. הממצאים מעידים, כי בעוד בתי ספר רבים מכירים בחשיבותם ובתרומתם של מורי העברית, נדרשות פעולות נוספות הן מצד המורים עצמם והן מצד הנהלת בית הספר כדי לייעל ולשפר את חבילות השכר וההטבות למורים לעברית. טיפול בפערים אלו יכול לחזק את גיוס ושימור המורים לעברית, ובכך לתמוך בעוצמתה של הוראת השפה העברית בבתי ספר יהודיים.
השלכות והמלצות
We are excited to share that based on the latest Avant Hebrew assessment, a remarkable 42 MILTON students were awarded the Global Seal of Biliteracy. This award is given in recognition of students who attained a functional fluency in Hebrew, a designation given to students who earned a proficiency level of Intermediate mid-5 or higher on all four skill areas of the Avant assessment.
“שני הדברים שבלעדיהם לא יהיו היהודים לעם: הארץ והלשון.”
-אליעזר בן יהודה
כשאליעזר בן יהודה אמר דברים אלו, הוא היה חלק מהפרויקט הלאומי היהודי הרחב שפעל הן להקמת למדינה יהודית ריבונית והן להחייאת השפה העברית. אלו היו שני מרכיבים הכרחיים כדי לאפשר לעם היהודי “לחזור לתוך ההיסטוריה” כעם שהוא שחקן פעיל בהיסטוריה של עצמו במקום שההיסטוריה “תפעל עליו מעצמה”. כשאנו חוגגים את יום השפה העברית הנערך מדי שנה ביום הולדתו של בן יהודה, איש ששיחק תפקיד משמעותי בהחייאת השפה העברית המודרנית, ראוי לציין עד כמה החזון הזה הוא לא פחות נכון עבורנו היום, במיוחד לאור הטרגדיה הנוראה של ה-7 באוקטובר ותוצאותיה.
בן יהודה ועמיתיו חוו באופן אישי את מה שקרה כאשר לעמנו חסרו מאפייני הריבונות: ארץ, צבא, ודגל, וכן שפה ותרבות שהוכרו כשוות לאלו של עמים אחרים. הם היו עדים לאנטישמיות מקומית וממוסדת, לשנאת היהדות, לפוגרומים אכזריים, ועוד, מבלי שעדיין הבינו את ההיקף של העתיד לבוא באירופה באמצע המאה ה-20.
למרבה המזל, הפתרון שהם הציעו הכין את העם שלנו להגיב ל-7 באוקטובר באופן שונה בתכלית ממה שחווינו במאות ה-19 וה-20. המלחמה עדיין בעיצומה בישראל ולא ברור עדיין האם תתממש האפשרות שהיא תתרחב. אנטישמיות ושנאת ישראל ממשיכות להרים את ראשן המרושע ברחבי צפון אמריקה ומעבר. אבל בשונה מהתקופה בה פעלו אליעזר בן יהודה, בני דורו, וקודמיהם אשר החיו את השפה העברית, עמנו כבר לא חסר אונים. בתוך ישראל, לעם שלנו יש כוח רב בדמות מדינה ריבונית, שלה צבא חזק מלא בחיילים מסורים ומיומנים, כולל בני שלי, שגויס באותו יום אוקטובר נוראי ומאז נמצא בעזה וסביבתה. לעם שלנו יש גם כוח נוסף – הכוח הנובע מעמידה האיתנה של עמנו ברחבי תבל, והכוח הנובע מהעבודה הקריטית שלוקחים על עצמם מורי העברית מדי יום.
הציטוט של בן יהודה בפתיח מציב את הארץ ואת השפה במרכז הלאומיות שלנו. צה”ל ואזרחי ישראל, הנתמכים בסולידריות עולמית של העם היהודי, עושים את העבודה החיונית של הגנה על הארץ, על העם ועל החברה בגבולותיה. אנו מצדיעים למחנכי השפה העברית הממלאים תפקיד חיוני בהבטחת המרכזיות של העברית, הבטחת הדור הבא של יהודים המוכנים לבנות מטרה משותפת עם דוברי עברית בישראל ומחוצה לה.
באופן אישי, ומקצועי, אני כועס עמוקות על מה שהאויבים שלנו מנסים לעשות לנו. באותה מידה אני מקבל השראה מהאופן שבו הגיב השטח המקצועי שלנו. מורי עברית בבתי ספר יהודיים, בישיבות, במחנות יהודים, בבתי כנסת, ובמסגרות נוספות, ביחד עם הצוות המדהים של עברית במרכז ועמיתינו בתחום השפה העברית, כולם מחויבים לקידום הוראת השפה העברית לחיזוק הישגי התלמידים, להבטחת מסוגלות עצמית והצלחה של המורים, ולמילוי ההבטחה שמבטיחים מוסדות החינוך להורים, לקהילה, ולעתיד היהודי שלהם. אנו שמחים במיוחד למלא תפקיד של מנהיגי שטח כדי לטפח ולקדם רעיונות חדשים וגישות חדשות אשר יתרמו עוד יותר למשימה הקדושה הזו. זוהי עבודה שמחזקת ומדגישה את המטרה והגורל המשותפים שלנו כעם.
בנוסף, אני קורא לכל אלו המאמינים במטרה להיות פעילים יותר בדרישה למצוינות ולאחריות מהעובדים בשטח, ולתרום מזמנם, נכסיהם, ומשאביהם הכספיים כדי להפוך משימה זו למציאות. אנו בעברית במרכז מקווים שהיום החשוב הזה בלוח השנה העברי ימשיך לעלות בחשיבותו, ושבשיתוף פעולה, נוכל להבטיח קהילה עברית אוריינית פעילה. באותה מידה בה כולנו נהנים מהמתנה שהעניקו לנו בן יהודה ועמיתיו, אנו מקווים שגם אתם תתרמו למשימה קדושה זו.
אני מודה לצוות ולעמיתינו, למנהיגי בתי הספר, ולתומכינו, על כך שאפשרו לנו להניח עוד לבנה בבסיס לעתיד חזק עוד יותר שמשחרר את העוצמה של העברית.
בהכרת תודה,
הרב ד”ר אנדרו ארגז, מנכ”ל
עברית במרכז
“שני הדברים שבלעדיהם לא יהיו היהודים לעם: הארץ והלשון.”
“There are two things without which the Jews will not be a nation –
their land and their language.”
– Eliezer Ben Yehuda
When Eliezer Ben Yehuda made this statement, he was working as a part of the broader Jewish national project to bring about both a sovereign Jewish state and a revitalization of the Jewish language. These were two necessary elements to allow the Jewish people to “step back into history” as a people that would now once again be actors in history rather than have history “act upon them.” As we celebrate יום השפה העברית/Hebrew Language Day, held each year on Ben Yehuda’s birthday, an individual who played an oversized roll in making Modern Hebrew language return to its role as a living tongue, it is worth noting how this vision is no less true for us today, especially in light of the horrific tragedy of October 7th and its aftermath.
Ben Yehuda and his peers had personally experienced what happened when our people lacked the instruments of sovereignty: a land, an army, and a flag, as well as a language and culture that was recognized as equal to those of other people. They had witnessed both individual and state-sponsored antisemitism, anti-Judaism hatred, brutal pogroms, and more, not yet realizing the scale of what was to come in Europe in the mid-20th Century.
Thankfully their proposed remedy prepared our people to respond to October 7th in a manner fundamentally different than the experiences we endured in the 19th and 20th Century. The war is still unfolding in Israel and the possibility that it could expand is still not clear. Antisemitism and hatred of Israel continues to raise its evil head throughout North America and beyond. But unlike the period that birthed Eliezer Ben Yehuda and his generation and predecessors that revived the Hebrew language, our people are no longer powerless. Within Israel, our people have hard power in the form of a sovereign state with a powerful army filled with deeply dedicated and capable soldiers, including my own son who was called up that horrible October day and has been in and around Gaza since. Our people also have soft power – the power that comes from our people standing together as one throughout the globe and the power that comes from the critical work Hebrew educators undertake each day.
Ben Yehuda’s quote above places both land and language at the center of our nationhood. The IDF and the citizens of Israel, supported by global solidarity from the Jewish people, are doing the essential work to defend the land and the people and society within its borders. We salute Hebrew language educators around the globe who are playing an essential role in bringing about the difficult and still incomplete task of elevating the primacy of Hebrew in our communities and ensuring the next generation of Jews become equipped to build and maintain a common destiny with Hebrew speakers in Israel and beyond.
While I am personally and professionally profoundly angered by what our enemies are trying to do to us, I am equally inspired by how our field has responded. Hebrew educators in day schools, yeshivot, Jewish camps, congregations, and in other settings, along with the amazing team at Hebrew at the Center and our colleagues in the Hebrew language space, are all committed to advancing Hebrew language education to strengthen student outcomes, ensure teacher self-efficacy and success, and fulfill the promise educational institutions make to their parents, their community, and the Jewish future. We are particularly pleased to play a role as field leaders to cultivate and advance new ideas and approaches that will further contribute to this sacred mission. This is work that is reinvigorating our shared purpose and destiny as a people.
I also call on those who believe in the cause to become more active in demanding excellence and accountability to those working in the trenches, and to contribute their time, reputational assets, and financial resources to making this mission a reality. We at Hebrew at the Center hope that this important day in the Jewish calendar will continue to rise in prominence and that by working together, we can ensure a more Hebraically literate community. In the same way that we all benefit from the gift Ben Yehuda and his peers brought to the table, we hope you will contribute your gifts to this sacred task.
I thank our team and colleagues, school leaders, and our supporters for enabling us to build yet another brick in the foundation for an even stronger future that unleashes the potency of Hebrew.
In gratitude,
Rabbi Andrew Ergas, EdD, CEO
Hebrew at the Center
Wonder Woman and the second gentleman are getting ready to do it.
Chuck Schumer and Drake will most certainly do it.
Isaac Herzog, Judy Blume, and Nachama Skolnik Moskowitz cannot wait to do it.
I, and likely you, will probably do it as well.
We are all getting ready for Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, preparing ourselves once again to read, sing and make heart-felt declarations in Hebrew. And for far too many, there is little to no understanding of those words coming out of our mouths.
So, is understanding Hebrew truly even important to the future of the Jewish world?
Hebrew is certainly important as a connector of world Jewry. I am not the only person surfacing questions about Hebrew. There is a Stand With Us YouTube of Elon Gold’s currently making the rounds where the comedian asks, “Have you ever wondered why most Jews don’t actually speak Hebrew?”. Beyond the humorous but biting critique of his own experience as both a student and a parent of a Hebrew language education, Gold rightfully notes that these Jewish educational settings focus too much on what we are not supposed to do and not enough on teaching the actual language of Hebrew. He then brings home the real message: “It is so crazy to know laws and not be able to communicate with my people in our homeland.” If we want to be real partners with global Jewry and capable of having a sophisticated conversation about the Jewish future with Israelis, we must ensure we are competent speakers of the Jewish people’s language.
Hebrew is certainly important to our experience of our holy days. Whether sharing a simple “Shana Tova,” or chanting aloud from the machzor throughout the yamim nora’im, the High Holidays reflect a moment when we look to the future and when most North American Jews encounter and use Hebrew as the language of their people. Like the blast of the shofar, the use of our sacred tongue between family and friends or within a congregation creates the soundscape of these holy days as our people wrestle with powerful word concepts such as t’shuva and slicha. And in our culture, every day has the power to be holy, an ordinary day that can and should be set aside for extra-ordinary actions and transcendence.
Hebrew is certainly important to Jewish education. On the short list of well-known Jews that opened this piece, the name Nachama Skolnik Moskowitz was included both due to the tremendous work she has been doing over the arc of her career in Jewish education and due to the important essay she shared last week in eJewish Philanthropy, Hebrew learning in synagogues: A call for change. Moskowitz rightly challenges our congregations and our community to rethink how we introduce children to their sacred language, drawing both from historical approaches and research-based insights on how someone learns to read and engage with a language. She is correct to critique a tradition that is ineffective and counter-productive, knowing that this leads to too many turning away from finding the beauty and spirituality in Jewish worship. Breaking one’s teeth over a language that can elevate and penetrate is bad for young Jews, for the Jewish future, and most definitely for Hebrew. And if we are failing in congregational schools, the first step in most young people’s Jewish educational journey, we are bequeathing to the next generation nothing but a future of more Jews reciting Hebrew words they do not understand.
Hebrew is certainly important as a tool for leadership. One of the entities that consolidated into Prizmah was Ravsak, boldly stated, “Our client is the Jewish future.” Fifteen years ago, Hebrew at the Center was founded in reaction to a call to action similar to Moskowitz’s in the Jewish day school world where, as one of our long-time supporters quipped, “In no place is more time and money spent not teaching Hebrew than in Jewish day schools.” We understood we needed to be disruptive in our approach, drawing from language learning science, a deep commitment to training Hebrew speakers to become Hebrew language instructors, and the establishment of proficiency standards and assessment systems that could ensure data-driven instruction. However, as important as pedagogic and programmatic interventions are, we know that fundamental work must be done in creating a culture of seriousness and commitment to Hebrew learning on the part of parents, school leaders, and the community. Given the high percentage of Jewish communal leaders that come out of the day school world, it would be a tragedy to continue wasting the hours being spent on Hebrew language instruction without ensuring that we were seeing a true return on this investment of time.
Hebrew is certainly important – because Hebrew is important! The Hebrew language is fundamental to Judaism, Jewish culture, and identity. Hebrew is a shared inheritance and tool that transcends the diversity of theological and ideological differences during a time of growing fractures. Hebrew is a living bridge that connects global Jewry and opens access to our sacred text and contemporary Israeli film, television, and literature. And in this particular moment when Israelis are wrestling the fundamental dilemmas of building a Jewish and democratic state, Hebrew language provides opportunity for the rest of the Jewish family to be able to have an insider’s understanding of what is taking place rather than remaining dependent upon translated OpEds, news articles, and demonstration placards.
On Rosh Hashanah, a new year begins and the opportunity for us to individually and collectively be written in the book of life is renewed again, creating the opportunity for us to both improve ourselves and ensure our future. We believe that the revolution that Nachama is calling for in congregational and part-time schools, our efforts in day schools and summer camps, and the critical work our field colleagues are doing in these settings and more demand communal attention, finding ways to unleash the power of Hebrew in North America. Together, we can ensure that the largest Jewish community outside of Israel does not give up its commitment, ownership, and love of the Jewish language.
While we can forgive and be forgiven throughout the year, something we will be reminded about during these upcoming days, we will not be forgiven for not taking this message about Hebrew seriously, only to bemoan ongoing Hebrew illiteracy in the future. We can make a difference in the level of Jewish literacy, offer a point of unity to a fractured people, and reverse the expanding gap between Israel and us. Our tradition teaches that sha’arei t’shuva, the gates of repentance, are always open. Let us use this moment to reflect on what we can do to better Hebrew language education and repent our misguided way, collectively stepping through the gates of Hebrew. We will soon read in the Torah that our world was created through speech, and we know humans make meaning through language. Let us pick up Nachama’s gauntlet and respond to Elon’s taunt, launching a strategic and collective effort to strengthen the ability of the members of our community to feel truly at home in Hebrew. As we use Hebrew words to pray for ourselves and our community, let us pray for true understanding and then take a big step towards change.
Rabbi Andrew Ergas is the Chief Executive Officer of Hebrew at the Center, with its vision of a world in which the Hebrew language profoundly enhances the joy and richness of Jewish identity and connects Jewish communities around the world. The organization works to revolutionize Hebrew language education and engagement as it advocates for Hebrew as a more prominent and intentional feature of Jewish life.
by Dr. Jeremy Benstein
Trying to follow the ups and downs of Israeli politics is hard enough at the best of times. And these are hardly the best of times. The rift in the nation is deep, pitting supporters of the democratically elected government and its projected legislation to redress perceived imbalances, against opponents who see that legislation as changing some very basic rules of the game thus making Israel a demonstrably less democratic society. My task here is not to adjudicate this dispute (though, like most Israelis, I do have strong opinions on the topic); readers who want explicit political punditry are directed to the news sources of their choice.
Rather, I would like to explore some particular Hebrew terms in the current political discourse that may shed some light on the nuances of recent developments. Of the many reasons for acquiring familiarity with Hebrew, one main one is to try to gain more insight into Israeli life and culture than is normally afforded by exclusively English-language media. For instance, the differences between the two sides are apparent from the get-go, i.e., the words each camp uses regarding what’s going on. The government claims it is promoting a רפורמה משפטית reformah mishpatit, “a legal reform” (from משפט mishpat, law). This indeed sounds innocent enough, and quite legal and on the up-and-up. But in the eyes of the millions who oppose the government plan, this is nothing less than a הפיכה משטרית hafichah mishtarit – משטר mishtar meaning “regime” and הפיכה haficha, meaning “coup”, from ה-פ-כ h-f-ch, reverse, or backwards (see here for more on that Hebrew root in politics and elsewhere).
Perhaps ironically, the two main words that are seen on t-shirts and signs, and heard at demonstrations and government press conferences, are actually not (originally) Hebrew at all: דמוקרטיה demokratiya and דיקטטורה diktatura, words which need no translation. One could claim that since the terms are non-Hebrew, the ideas themselves are foreign as well. However, the idea of the limited will of the majority with safeguards for the rights of the weak is well-established in Jewish tradition (see e.g. Ex 23:2). There is a (modern) Hebrew word for dictatorship (רודנות, rodanut, רודן, rodan, “dictator”, from the Biblical root ר-ד-ה, r-d-h, “rule over,” see e.g. Gen 1:28 and Lev 25:53), though it is less used in common parlance. And Eliezer Ben Yehudah himself proposed a new coinage to replace democracy, עַמּוֹנוּת amonut (from עם, ‘am, “people”), but it never made it out of the starting gate.
Here are a few more key terms to help parse the debate:
רוב – מיעוט – Rov, “majority” from the root ר-ב-ב, r-b-b, as in הרבה, harbeh, “many, a lot.” This is what the coalition (קואליציה, koalitziya) claims they have, since they do, after all, hold 64 out of the 120 seats in the Knesset (53%). However, protesters and members of the opposition (אופוזיציה, oppozitziya), by definition in the מיעוט, mi’ut, “minority” (from מ-ע-ט, m-‘-t, “few, a little”) point out that the proposed reforms were not central planks in the parties in the coalition (and the ruling Likud party, with only 32 seats is not a majority in its own coalition), and currently polls show a clear majority of the Israeli public oppose the controversial legislation.
In brief, the main issue under discussion is a proposed change in the balance of power between the judiciary (הרשות השופטת, hareshut hashofetet, literally – “the judging authority”) and the executive/legislative branches (הרשות המבצעת והרשות המחוקקת, hamevatza’at vehamechokeket) , giving more power to the latter, and reducing the scope of judicial review (among many other things, including changing the selection process of judges, the question of legal oversight in government ministries, and more). Confronting these proposals have made these last six months quite a civics lesson for many Israelis, for it gets to the heart of what a democratic society is. In response to claims of government supporters that it is the protests themselves that are undemocratic (since the government was elected it has a right, and a duty, to govern as it sees fit – majority rule – the רוב, rov), the protesters emphasize that a democracy is the rule of the majority coupled with strong safeguards that protect the rights of the minority (מיעוט, mi’ut), to prevent the rule of the majority from becoming a dictatorship of the majority. The claim is that for Israel with no constitution or bill of rights (as in the US), or long tradition of a democratic culture (as in the UK), a strong and independent judiciary is the only thing standing in the way of an ideological government – whether right-wing or left-wing – from enacting legislation that might infringe on basic rights. The word for rights is זכויות, zechuyot, as in זכויות אזרח, zechuyot ezrach, “civil rights” and זכויות אדם, zechuyot adam, “human rights.” An interesting curiosity is that zechut also means “privilege” which is almost the opposite of a right, making it a contranym, a word that means a thing and its opposite, like “sanction” or “cleave.”
סבירות – sevirut, “reasonableness.” This seemingly innocuous idea is the basis of the first piece of government legislation: preventing the courts from using “reasonableness” as a criterion for adjudicating issues like government policies or appointments. But what could be unreasonable, or objectionable about reasonableness?
First the word. If something is סביר savir, it is reasonable, makes sense. This root has many expressions in Hebrew, both ancient and modern:להסביר , lehasbir, “explain” (make understandable), הסברה, hasbara, Israeli governmental PR (“explanation” in the sense of “making the case for”), סבירות, svirut, “likelihood,” and also, traditionally, סברה, sevara, a (talmudic) claim or opinion, and סברי, savri, as in סברי מרנן, savri maranan, “with the gentlemen’s permission,” asked before making a public blessing over wine.
Traditionally, the Supreme court has used עילת הסבירות, ‘ilat hasvirut, the reasonability clause, to evaluate whether the government or its several ministries are being, well, reasonable. But given the less than precise definition of this term, the government’s claim is that the gut sense of reasonableness of a group of unelected officials, such as judges, should not take precedence over the sense of the democratically elected parliament. The opposition’s response is that this is what checks and balances (איזונים ובלמים, izunim ublamim) between the branches is all about, and the greater the majority, the greater the temptation to wield power in all sorts of fundamentally self-serving ways, if there is no one to stop them. Which would be, in a word, unreasonable.
There is of course much more that can be said and explored, both linguistically and politically. I will conclude with a section of Israel’s מגילת העצמאות, megillat ha’atzma-ut, Declaration of Independence. The Hebrew word for independence, עצמאות, ‘atzma-ut, from a root ע-צ-מ, ‘-tz’m, meaning “strength” and also “self” was coined by Eliezer Ben Yehudah’s son, Itamar Ben Avi. The fact that the word עצם, ‘etzem, also means “bone,” alludes to Ezekiel’s vision of the valley of the dry bones (Ch. 37) as a prophecy of revival and return. Like the flag, the Declaration is used by the protesters to express their values. But also like the flag – can’t we all identify with what is written here?
מתוך מגילת העצמאות – מדינת ישראל…תשקוד על פיתוח הארץ לטובת כל תושביה; תהא מושתתה על יסודות החירות, הצדק והשלום לאור חזונם של נביאי ישראל; תקיים שויון זכויות חברתי ומדיני גמור לכל אזרחיה בלי הבדל דת, גזע ומין; תבטיח חופש דת, מצפון, לשון, חינוך ותרבות...
From the Declaration of Independence – THE STATE OF ISRAEL … will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture….
At the very least, words like חירות, cherut, “freedom,” צדק, tzedek, “justice,” שלום, shalom, “peace,” שויון, shivyon, “equality,” and חופש, chofesh, (more) “freedom,” are good words to add to our vocabulary.
Dr. Jeremy Benstein is a senior consultant at HATC and author of Hebrew Roots, Jewish Routes: A Tribal Language in a Global World, (Behrman, 2019).
By: Aharoni Carmel and Yael Harari
The statistics for teachers leaving the field are shocking: between 30-50% of teachers in the US resign within the first five years. Research has also indicated that the right professional development and mentoring can reduce this attrition rate significantly. That said, a one-size-fits-all approach to professional development has proven to be highly ineffective.
For this reason, at TalentEducators, after we match and place teachers in new positions, we place emphasis and resources on highly professional and personalized support for each of our newly recruited teachers. To do this, we work with the educational institution as well as the educator to build a comprehensive support plan that includes programs from many wonderful partner organizations that offer professional development. This support plan looks different for different teachers even if they are teaching the same subject – such as Hebrew – at the same school.
In our experience, there are two specific challenges that need to be addressed when supporting new Hebrew teachers in their positions: the skills involved in teaching a second language and the cultural gap that many non-native North Americans experience when teaching in a day school for the first time.
In the past two years, we placed 59 Hebrew teachers in day schools in North America and the UK. These Hebrew teachers have required different support plans depending on the school requirements, and the teacher’s education and experience:
In order to measure the efficacy and success of these teachers as well as the support TalentEducators provides them, we conduct surveys twice a year. Our survey results reveal that these educators’ satisfaction in their positions as well as their administrators’ approval rate is higher than that of other new teachers. On a scale of 1-5, the employers rated their satisfaction with their Hebrew teachers’ work at 4.5, as opposed to an approval rate of 3.9 for other new teachers. In addition, all of the Hebrew teachers felt that their mentors positively impacted their teaching, rating the impact as a 4.6 out of 5. More than 80% of these Hebrew teachers are still in their original position (surpassing the average retention rate even amidst the Great Resignation), and the few who have left have either moved to a new location or have been given expanded responsibilities.
During the course of this work, one of the major challenges that we encounter when working with new Hebrew teachers is the reluctance of day schools to hire teachers with little to no teaching experience. The administration worries that the cultural gap combined with inexperience will ultimately lead to failure. In our experience, focusing on potential while creating a comprehensive personalized support plan can lead to greater satisfaction and retention. There is still a significant shortage of teachers, and specifically Hebrew teachers, however, if there is a mindset shift in addition to personalized professional development and mentoring, perhaps we can slowly bridge the gap.
Aharoni Carmel is the founding CEO of TalentEducators and a veteran principal of educational institutions both in Israel and the US with over twenty years of experience in the field of education.
Yael Harari is the Chief Operating Officer of TalentEducators and has more than fifteen years of experience in the field of education: as a teacher of literature and language and as a teacher-mentor in American Jewish schools and in Israeli mechinot.
Elections And Politics – Hebrew Style
By Dr. Jeremy Benstein
The Choosing People
Both the Israeli and American publics are going to the polls this month, to take part in that supreme ritual of democracy – elections. The word for “elections” in Hebrew is bechirot, from b-ch-r (בחר), “choose.” We are able to choose our representatives because politically we have zechut bechira (זכות בחירה), “the right to vote.” Some might argue that even more fundamental is the belief in bechira chofshit (בחירה חופשית), “free choice” (or “free will”).
While a mivchar (מבחר) is simply a “range” or “selection,” something nivchar (נבחר) is “chosen” or “select.” For example, the nivcharim (נבחרים) are “those chosen to represent,” for instance in Knesset; and a nivcheret (נבחרת) is an “all-star team” in sports.
In Israel, though, we vote for party lists, not individual candidates. This sounds more fun in English: it’s about parties! Here we have miflagot (מפלגות),“political parties,” from p-l-g (פלג), a root meaning “to divide, split.” The rabbis called the story of the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11) “Dor Hapelaga” (דור הפלגה), “the Generation of Division” (or divisiveness). In its own babbling way, with twenty-some-odd parties (and some are quite odd!) and the likes of Bibi and Benny, Yair and Yvet, Merav and Betzalel (and Ayman and Mansour), Israeli politics is indeed plagued by palganut (פלגנות), “disputes” and “divisions,” “fracas” and “fray.”
Affairs of city and state
But not all election related words are Hebrew in origin. For instance, the word “politics” itself, in Hebrew, politika (פּוֹלִיטִיקָה). Coming from the Greek for city, polis, it refers to running civic affairs. In Hebrew, it can appear in a number of forms: a politician is a politikai (פּוֹלִיטִיקָאִי), and if an issue or organization has become politicized, it has experienced politizatzia (פוליטיזציה). There was even once a political commentary television show called Popolitika (פופּוֹלִיטִיקָה), whose distinctive and very vociferous combination of politics and populism made it very, well, popular.
Another Greek contribution is demokratya (דֵמוֹקרָטִיָה). There is no single Hebrew word that means democracy, though it is usually defined or glossed as shilton ha’am (שלטות העם), “the rule of the people” (as in the Greek roots: demos, “people,” kratos, “rule”). Here, too, we see a variety of forms: there are states which are demokratyot (דמוקרטיות)(plural), and others undergoing demokratizatziya (דמוקרטיזציה).
In elections, the parties struggle for every seat in the Knesset, known as mandatim (מנדטים). This time from the Latin, a mandate is a commission or authorization (from manus and datum, “given over into the hand”), and elegantly expresses the idea of representative democracy – demokratya yitzugit (דמוקרטיה ייצוגית)– that the MKs are there because we sent them there: they are emissaries on our behalf.
Let’s make a (democratic) deal
Sometimes in order to wangle a place on a party list that is considered reali, that is, “realistic,” or likely to get in, a politician will need to wheel and deal, finagle or otherwise coax and cajole his – or her – way there. This may involve a promise of quid-pro-quo arrangements known in Hebrew as dilim (דילים) (“deals”). Though it’s all part of playing the political game, the shadier dilim may be, or become, quite scandalous. These are two more loan words you may be likely to read on the op-ed pages: intrigot (אִינְטרִיגות) and skandalim (סקנדלים). Even though skandal has a lovely Hebrew equivalent – sha’aruryah (שַׁעֲרוּרִיָה) – it has not been completely replaced.
Unite and rule
The ruling coalition of parties who form the government is called – what else? – the koalitziya (קוֹאָלִיצִיָה). Those not in the koalitziya from the opozitziya (קוֹאָלִיצִיָה), the opposition (whether loyal or not). These are examples of words for which the Hebrew Language Academy has proposed Hebrew equivalents, but which simply have not stuck. Impress your Israeli friends with the words yachdah (יחדה) and negdah (נגדה) which are the official Hebrew terms for “coalition” and “opposition,” respectively, from y-ch-d (יחד), “together” (see here), and n-g-d (נגד) “against, opposed.”
But despite all this, there’s more Hebrew than not in political palaver. The main ancient political institution that the State of Israel revived with its founding is the Knesset, taking its name from “the Great Assembly” (k-n-s (כנס)– “assemble”) of the first return to Zion from Persian times almost 2500 years ago. For a discussion of “Knesset” and related words, see here.
Going behind the curtain
To insure privacy in the voting process, we go into a booth behind a curtain, which is called a pargod (פַּרגוֹד). Coming into Hebrew from Greek back in Talmudic times, the pargod was a sort of metaphysical partition between humans and the deity, and hearing something from meachorei hapargod (מאחורי נפרגוד), “behind the curtain” (or screen) meant eavesdropping on God, hearing something from the heavenly sphere. More recently (1969-2005), the word began referring to a more theatrical curtain – for example, the Pargod club was an edgy fringe theater and jazz nightclub in Jerusalem.
But the cultic association continues in the voting process. While behind the curtain, we take one of the many slips of paper, representing the different parties, put it into an envelope and slip it into a slot of a big box – which is the kalpi (קַלפֵּי) (or kalfi). Also a Greek term from the rabbinic period, kalpi originally meant an urn for drawing lots, such as the lots to decide the fate of the two goat sacrifices on Yom Kippur. One was to be sacrificed on the altar, the other driven out to a place called Azazel (which has since become an epithet for “hell,” as in “go to…”) – becoming the original “scape-goat”. So, where our forebears removed slips of paper from the kalpi, we put ours in, but perhaps the result – choosing a scapegoat – isn’t all that different…
The some of its parts
Once the process is complete, the votes are tallied, and the mandatim are apportioned. The head of the party with the best chance of creating a coalition (usually the biggest party) will be approached by President Herzog, the nasi (נָשִׂיא) (another Biblical word) to engage in harkavat hamemshalah (הרכבת הממשלה), the process of “forming the government,” literally assembling it, using the same verb as putting together a puzzle.
The classical associations continue, for this is often known in the press as ma’aseh merkavah (מעשי המרכבה), meaning “the act of assembly,” but referencing a Jewish mystical concept meaning something like “the works of the chariot.” This is a theosophical doctrine, also stemming from the rabbinic period, based on Ezekiel’s vision of the divine throne or chariot (Ezekiel 1). Because this is indeed a complex mystical idea, colloquially, it has also come to mean “no easy feat.”
And indeed translating the will of the people (or the range of wills of the range of voters) and coming up with a group of people who can govern the country is exactly that.
Elections And Politics – Hebrew Style
By Dr. Jeremy Benstein
The Choosing People
Both the Israeli and American publics are going to the polls this month, to take part in that supreme ritual of democracy – elections. The word for “elections” in Hebrew is bechirot, from b-ch-r (בחר), “choose.” We are able to choose our representatives because politically we have zechut bechira (זכות בחירה), “the right to vote.” Some might argue that even more fundamental is the belief in bechira chofshit (בחירה חופשית), “free choice” (or “free will”).
While a mivchar (מבחר) is simply a “range” or “selection,” something nivchar (נבחר) is “chosen” or “select.” For example, the nivcharim (נבחרים) are “those chosen to represent,” for instance in Knesset; and a nivcheret (נבחרת) is an “all-star team” in sports.
In Israel, though, we vote for party lists, not individual candidates. This sounds more fun in English: it’s about parties! Here we have miflagot (מפלגות),“political parties,” from p-l-g (פלג), a root meaning “to divide, split.” The rabbis called the story of the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11) “Dor Hapelaga” (דור הפלגה), “the Generation of Division” (or divisiveness). In its own babbling way, with twenty-some-odd parties (and some are quite odd!) and the likes of Bibi and Benny, Yair and Yvet, Merav and Betzalel (and Ayman and Mansour), Israeli politics is indeed plagued by palganut (פלגנות), “disputes” and “divisions,” “fracas” and “fray.”
Affairs of city and state
But not all election related words are Hebrew in origin. For instance, the word “politics” itself, in Hebrew, politika (פּוֹלִיטִיקָה). Coming from the Greek for city, polis, it refers to running civic affairs. In Hebrew, it can appear in a number of forms: a politician is a politikai (פּוֹלִיטִיקָאִי), and if an issue or organization has become politicized, it has experienced politizatzia (פוליטיזציה). There was even once a political commentary television show called Popolitika (פופּוֹלִיטִיקָה), whose distinctive and very vociferous combination of politics and populism made it very, well, popular.
Another Greek contribution is demokratya (דֵמוֹקרָטִיָה). There is no single Hebrew word that means democracy, though it is usually defined or glossed as shilton ha’am (שלטות העם), “the rule of the people” (as in the Greek roots: demos, “people,” kratos, “rule”). Here, too, we see a variety of forms: there are states which are demokratyot (דמוקרטיות)(plural), and others undergoing demokratizatziya (דמוקרטיזציה).
In elections, the parties struggle for every seat in the Knesset, known as mandatim (מנדטים). This time from the Latin, a mandate is a commission or authorization (from manus and datum, “given over into the hand”), and elegantly expresses the idea of representative democracy – demokratya yitzugit (דמוקרטיה ייצוגית)– that the MKs are there because we sent them there: they are emissaries on our behalf.
Let’s make a (democratic) deal
Sometimes in order to wangle a place on a party list that is considered reali, that is, “realistic,” or likely to get in, a politician will need to wheel and deal, finagle or otherwise coax and cajole his – or her – way there. This may involve a promise of quid-pro-quo arrangements known in Hebrew as dilim (דילים) (“deals”). Though it’s all part of playing the political game, the shadier dilim may be, or become, quite scandalous. These are two more loan words you may be likely to read on the op-ed pages: intrigot (אִינְטרִיגות) and skandalim (סקנדלים). Even though skandal has a lovely Hebrew equivalent – sha’aruryah (שַׁעֲרוּרִיָה) – it has not been completely replaced.
Unite and rule
The ruling coalition of parties who form the government is called – what else? – the koalitziya (קוֹאָלִיצִיָה). Those not in the koalitziya from the opozitziya (קוֹאָלִיצִיָה), the opposition (whether loyal or not). These are examples of words for which the Hebrew Language Academy has proposed Hebrew equivalents, but which simply have not stuck. Impress your Israeli friends with the words yachdah (יחדה) and negdah (נגדה) which are the official Hebrew terms for “coalition” and “opposition,” respectively, from y-ch-d (יחד), “together” (see here), and n-g-d (נגד) “against, opposed.”
But despite all this, there’s more Hebrew than not in political palaver. The main ancient political institution that the State of Israel revived with its founding is the Knesset, taking its name from “the Great Assembly” (k-n-s (כנס)– “assemble”) of the first return to Zion from Persian times almost 2500 years ago. For a discussion of “Knesset” and related words, see here.
Going behind the curtain
To insure privacy in the voting process, we go into a booth behind a curtain, which is called a pargod (פַּרגוֹד). Coming into Hebrew from Greek back in Talmudic times, the pargod was a sort of metaphysical partition between humans and the deity, and hearing something from meachorei hapargod (מאחורי נפרגוד), “behind the curtain” (or screen) meant eavesdropping on God, hearing something from the heavenly sphere. More recently (1969-2005), the word began referring to a more theatrical curtain – for example, the Pargod club was an edgy fringe theater and jazz nightclub in Jerusalem.
But the cultic association continues in the voting process. While behind the curtain, we take one of the many slips of paper, representing the different parties, put it into an envelope and slip it into a slot of a big box – which is the kalpi (קַלפֵּי) (or kalfi). Also a Greek term from the rabbinic period, kalpi originally meant an urn for drawing lots, such as the lots to decide the fate of the two goat sacrifices on Yom Kippur. One was to be sacrificed on the altar, the other driven out to a place called Azazel (which has since become an epithet for “hell,” as in “go to…”) – becoming the original “scape-goat”. So, where our forebears removed slips of paper from the kalpi, we put ours in, but perhaps the result – choosing a scapegoat – isn’t all that different…
The some of its parts
Once the process is complete, the votes are tallied, and the mandatim are apportioned. The head of the party with the best chance of creating a coalition (usually the biggest party) will be approached by President Herzog, the nasi (נָשִׂיא) (another Biblical word) to engage in harkavat hamemshalah (הרכבת הממשלה), the process of “forming the government,” literally assembling it, using the same verb as putting together a puzzle.
The classical associations continue, for this is often known in the press as ma’aseh merkavah (מעשי המרכבה), meaning “the act of assembly,” but referencing a Jewish mystical concept meaning something like “the works of the chariot.” This is a theosophical doctrine, also stemming from the rabbinic period, based on Ezekiel’s vision of the divine throne or chariot (Ezekiel 1). Because this is indeed a complex mystical idea, colloquially, it has also come to mean “no easy feat.”
And indeed translating the will of the people (or the range of wills of the range of voters) and coming up with a group of people who can govern the country is exactly that.
